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A psychodynamic classification system for pathological firesetters with treatment strategies for each subgroup
Abstract:
The Freudian psychosexual stages of
development are used as the basis of a classification
system for pathological firesetters. A review of the
literature provided a pool of behavioural indicators and
treatment strategies for each subgroup. The adoption of a
standard classification system will allow the composition
of each stage (in terms of age, sex, background, and so
on) and the distribution of the firesetting population across stages to be determined, which in turn will help in deciding priorities for the development and implementation of treatment programs.
Between 1987 and 1994 in New South Wales (NSW), Australia, the number of incendiary and suspicious fires, as a proportion of all fires, rose from 13% to 40% (NSW Fire Brigades, 1994, 1995). This situation is similar to that found in the UK, where 40% of all major fires in 1993 were thought to be deliberately lit (Pretious, 1994). Furthermore, over the last year in NSW (July 1993 to June 1994), the number of deliberately lit grass, tree, and rubbish fires rose by 130% (NSW Fire Brigades, 1995). This increasing propensity for firesetting no doubt contributed to the severity of the devastating bushfires that ravaged NSW in January, 1994. If the trend continues, NSW could again face the terror of uncontrolled bushfires burning on the outskirts of major cities. Unfortunately, Australia's climate makes it an ideal target for those wishing to start bushfires, and the uncertainties of bushfires are such that even the smallest fire, set in an isolated location, can spread and cause unimagined death and destruction.
One way of dealing with the problem of firesetting is to look for early warning of anyone likely to engage in such behaviour and intervene. This approach was taken by David Kolko and Alan Kazdin (Kazdin & Kolko, 1986; Kolko & Kazdin, 1986) who proposed a model of firesetting risk factors and then attempted to devise a means of identifying firesetters, or those at risk of becoming firesetters, on the basis of those factors.
Another approach is to place those already identified as firesetters into subgroups and deal with each separately. A number of writers have noted the value of classifying firesetters in this way (Bradford, 1982; Jacobson, 1985; Kolko & Kazdin, 1988, 1991, 1994; Prins, Tennent, & Trick, 1985; Sakheim & Osborn, 1986; Sakheim, Osborn, & Abrams, 1991). One advantage of such a system is that once divided into subgroups a range of treatment programs can be evaluated for each type of firesetter.
Lewis and Yarnell (1951) undertook a major investigation into pathological firesetters and arrived at a number of subgroups. They excluded those who set fires for profit from their classification system and divided the rest into Motivated Firesetters, Pyromaniacs, Volunteer Firemen, Would-Be-Heroes, Vagrants, those with Related Sexual Activity, and Psychotics. Motivated Firesetters included those motivated by revenge, jealousy, and suicidal wishes. These subgroups are basically descriptive and have no theoretical basis. Consequently, there is no clear direction to take when trying to decide on an appropriate form of treatment or punishment for a particular type of firesetter.
Kaufman, Heims, and Reiser (1961) made an indirect contribution to the subgrouping of firesetters in their study of a group of 30 male firesetters. They found that 22 of the boys were either psychotic or borderline psychotic and that they were predominantly fixated at the oral stage of psychosexual development. They concluded that the more usual opinion of pathological firesetting as a phallic-stage phenomenon accompanied by neurotic symptoms may need reconsideration.
Rothstein (1963) examined the Rorschach responses of eight firesetting boys and concluded that they belonged to two distinct subgroups, namely, borderline-psychotic and impulsive-neurotic. Of the five boys in the borderline-psychotic group one was a schizophrenic who had lost touch with reality and presented the most primitive state of ego development. He gave many food associations and showed a longing for affection, nurturance, and security. This suggested he belonged to a separate, more disturbed, psychotic group. The remaining boys in the borderline-psychotic group had weakened ties with reality and their ego integration was tenuous. The three boys in the impulsive-neurotic group were able to employ ego-defence mechanisms to some extent but were driven to aggressive acting out from time to time, particularly in response to their sexual impulses.
Sakheim and Osborn (1986) conducted a study with a group of 20 firesetters and 20 matched controls. They concluded that distinct subgroups of firesetters appeared to exist and suggested that an assessment of ego development might lead to a meaningful subdivision of firesetters along psychodynamic lines. They subsequently (Sakheim et al., 1991) identifed seven subgroups, namely, the curiosity or accidental firesetter, the cry-for-help firesetter, the attention-seeking firesetter, the would-be-hero firesetter, the adolescent seeker of excitement or sexual pleasure, and the psychotic firesetter. These subgroups were reminiscent of those suggested by Lewis and Yarnell (1951), in that they were descriptive, and they did not appear to meet the aim of the earlier suggestion, namely, the identification of subgroups based on ego development.
A review of the literature revealed that most case studies could quite clearly be classified into one of the Freudian psychosexual stages (Freud, 1905/1962) and, therefore, this was selected as the classification system in preference to one based specifically on development of the ego. Some cases were not reported in sufficient detail to permit classification and others exhibited features of more than one stage. This was not surprising as normal human behaviour includes aspects of all stages and regression to earlier stages can occur at any time in response to a number of variables, for example, emotional trauma or intoxication. Similarly, the behaviour of disturbed individuals is likely to reflect aspects of more than one stage. Lewis and Yarnell (1951) undertook a major investigation into pathological firesetters and arrived at a number of subgroups. They excluded those who set fires for profit from their classification system and divided the rest into Motivated Firesetters, Pyromaniacs, Volunteer Firemen, Would-Be-Heroes, Vagrants, those with Related Sexual Activity, and Psychotics. Motivated Firesetters included those motivated by revenge, jealousy, and suicidal wishes. These subgroups are basically descriptive and have no theoretical basis. Consequently, there is no clear direction to take when trying to decide on an appropriate form of treatment or punishment for a particular type of firesetter.
Kaufman, Heims, and Reiser (1961) made an indirect contribution to the subgrouping of firesetters in their study of a group of 30 male firesetters. They found that 22 of the boys were either psychotic or borderline psychotic and that they were predominantly fixated at the oral stage of psychosexual development. They concluded that the more usual opinion of pathological firesetting as a phallic-stage phenomenon accompanied by neurotic symptoms may need reconsideration.
Rothstein (1963) examined the Rorschach responses of eight firesetting boys and concluded that they belonged to two distinct subgroups, namely, borderline-psychotic and impulsive-neurotic. Of the five boys in the borderline-psychotic group one was a schizophrenic who had lost touch with reality and presented the most primitive state of ego development. He gave many food associations and showed a longing for affection, nurturance, and security. This suggested he belonged to a separate, more disturbed, psychotic group. The remaining boys in the borderline-psychotic group had weakened ties with reality and their ego integration was tenuous. The three boys in the impulsive-neurotic group were able to employ ego-defence mechanisms to some extent but were driven to aggressive acting out from time to time, particularly in response to their sexual impulses.
Sakheim and Osborn (1986) conducted a study with a group of 20 firesetters and 20 matched controls. They concluded that distinct subgroups of firesetters appeared to exist and suggested that an assessment of ego development might lead to a meaningful subdivision of firesetters along psychodynamic lines. They subsequently (Sakheim et al., 1991) identifed seven subgroups, namely, the curiosity or accidental firesetter, the cry-for-help firesetter, the attention-seeking firesetter, the would-be-hero firesetter, the adolescent seeker of excitement or sexual pleasure, and the psychotic firesetter. These subgroups were reminiscent of those suggested by Lewis and Yarnell (1951), in that they were descriptive, and they did not appear to meet the aim of the earlier suggestion, namely, the identification of subgroups based on ego development.
A review of the literature revealed that most case studies could quite clearly be classified into one of the Freudian psychosexual stages (Freud, 1905/1962) and, therefore, this was selected as the classification system in preference to one based specifically on development of the ego. Some cases were not reported in sufficient detail to permit classification and others exhibited features of more than one stage. This was not surprising as normal human behaviour includes aspects of all stages and regression to earlier stages can occur at any time in response to a number of variables, for example, emotional trauma or intoxication. Similarly, the behaviour of disturbed individuals is likely to reflect aspects of more than one stage.
Individual case histories from the literature were reviewed and features of the subject's firesetting were assigned to one of the subgroups to form a pool of indicators for that stage. The different reporting styles did not allow all features to be assigned with confidence, but there was sufficient discrimination between the resulting pools to highlight the heterogeneity of the population and the types of traits that are associated with the different psychosexual stages.
Oral-Stage Firesetting
The attraction of fire to oral-stage firesetters seems to be its subconscious relationship to the warmth and security of maternal care. There is often maternal neglect in the first 18 months of these people's lives (Greenberg, 1966; Kaufman et al., 1961; Nurcombe, 1964; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Specific indicators of oral-stage firesetting are setting fires in areas of the home traditionally associated with maternal chores, for example, the laundry (Greenberg, 1966), the linen closet (Gunderson, 1974), and the kitchen (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970); setting fires to force a move to a new residence, for example, to return to hospital (Geller, 1987) or to live with the natural father (Stewart & Culver, 1982); trying to burn down the family home (Geller, 1987); setting fire to oneself (Geller, 1987; Topp, 1973); and feeling impelled to set fires by an irresistible impulse (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Topp, 1973).
Oral-stage firesetters experience feelings of happiness or well-being from watching a safe fire (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Stekel, 1924a; Wax & Haddox, 1974) but have a fear of naked flames or fires that are out of control (Dalton, Haslett & Daul, 1986; Greenberg, 1966; Wax & Haddox, 1974). They might also exhibit other non-firesetting, oral-stage behaviours like nail-biting, hoarding food, eating to the point of vomiting (Nurcombe, 1964), vomiting when under stress (Macht & Mack, 1968; Wax & Haddox, 1974), and enuresis when under stress (Wax & Haddox, 1974). They sometimes sleep with their mothers into the pre-adolescent years (Kaufman et al., 1961; Macht & Mack, 1968; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970) and the older offenders are often psychotic (Geller, 1987; Gunderson, 1974; Kaufman et al., 1961; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Sexual behaviour is likely to be immature and to include instances of fellatio (Kaufman et al., 1961; Wax & Haddox, 1974).
Case Study 1: A 13 year old male, Andrew. His mother "craved excitement, and said she sometimes had to get out and away from herself for her 'nerves'. She alternated between neglecting the children and over-stimulating them . . . He was afraid to be alone in the dark and slept with his mother . . . At the age of 4, Andrew began setting fires in cellars. Later he set fire to sheds and to mattresses at home . . . Later when bizarre features of his thinking became more apparent, Andrew was diagnosed as borderline psychotic and committed" (Kaufman et al., 1961, p. 128).
Treatment for Oral-Stage Firesetters
To overcome an oral-stage fixation in children attempts must be made to restore or establish a positive relationship with the primary care giver (Dalton et al., 1986). This may involve helping a mother with her nurturing skills or taking steps to place the child in a more caring environment. Dalton et al. (1986) describe the progress they made by making their subject's mother aware of the link between her continuing neglect of the child and his firesetting. She was given assistance in regaining more control of her life and contact with her son became more regular and helpful. However, the real breakthrough, after 2 years of unsuccessful therapy, came when the child was confronted with a fire he could not control. Over the course of four sessions he was shown how he could extinguish the blaze safely.
Cox-Jones et al. (1990) incorporated training sessions for the mother in their multicomponent treatment of a 5 year old firesetter who exhibited features of both oral-stage and anal-stage firesetting. The program was effective in eliminating firesetting behaviour and the change was still apparent at follow-up after one year.
Geller (1987) discussed the situation of four men and two women who were patients in a psychiatric hospital. Five of them exhibited psychotic features, one was mentally retarded, and all seemed to fit the profile for oral-stage firesetting. He suggested that treatment for this type of firesetter might incorporate drug therapy, to ameliorate the psychotic symptoms; and social skills training as a stress management technique.
Anal-Stage Firesetting
The most important indicator of anal-stage firesetting is the emotional impulsivity of the act (Wax & Haddox, 1974). Anal-stage firesetters strike out as a reaction to their emotions and the attack will be aimed at the property of particular people, for example, the parents' belongings, the father's car (Nurcombe, 1964), or the office of the consulting psychiatrist (Geller, 1987). The attack is primarily an act of revenge (Saunders & Awad, 1991; Stekel, 1924a), hatred, anger (Fine & Louie, 1979; Stekel, 1924a; Wax & Haddox, 1974), or jealousy (Nurcombe, 1964).
Anal-stage firesetters have been reported for setting fire to animals (Cox-Jones, Lubetsky, Fultz & Kolko, 1990; Wax & Haddox, 1974) and for being cruel to animals in other ways (Carstens, 1982; Cox-Jones et al., 1990; Schmideberg, 1953; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Other non-firesetting, anal-stage traits are sadism (Nurcombe, 1964; Schmideberg, 1953; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970; Wax & Haddox, 1974), acts of humiliation relating to the anal area (Schmideberg, 1953), masochism, coprophagia (Nurcombe, 1964), encopresis (Cox-Jones et al., 1990; Nurcombe, 1964), defecating as an expression of anger (Nurcombe, 1964), and serious delays in toilet training (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970). Anal-stage firesetters sometimes have temper tantrums (Kaufman et al., 1961) or explosive-rage reactions (Topp, 1973; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), and they can be assaultive towards others (Carstens, 1982; Schmideberg, 1953; Topp, 1973; Wax & Haddox, 1974).
The background of anal-stage firesetters is likely to include parental neglect between the ages of 18 months and 3 years (Greenberg, 1966; Nurcombe, 1964; Saunders & Awad, 1991; Stewart & Culver, 1982) and often the father is either absent or ineffective (Fine & Louie, 1979; Macht & Mack, 1968; Nurcombe, 1964; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970). Anal-stage sexual behaviour is immature and might include a preoccupation with sodomy (Bourget & Bradford, 1987).
Anal-stage firesetters do not have a psychological compulsion to set fires. They have learnt to use fire as a means to an end but may concurrently use other convenient means to achieve the same end.
Case Study 2: Russell, aged 3 and 1/2 years, "showed grossly destructive and aggressive behaviour, of which fire-setting was only one example . . . He jammed Arnold's (baby brother's) finger in a door hinge, tried to set his hair alight with a match, and finally amputated his forefinger with a razor blade . . . he showed temper tantrums and night terrors, was encopretic, a hair-puller and head banger . . . Mother was . . . histrionic, under-controlled, . . . prone to syncope, mutism, and severe headaches . . . frequently in conflict with an irresponsible, unaffectionate, unfaithful husband, . . . " (Nurcombe, 1964, p. 581).
Treatment for Anal-Stage Firesetters
Bumpass, Brix, and Preston (1985) presented the most appealing treatment for anal-stage firesetters. They discussed an interview-graphing technique that involved the counsellor interviewing the firesetter and plotting a graph of emotional states versus behaviours. The object of this form of treatment was to get the individual to recognise his or her emotional state and to substitute a socially acceptable behaviour for the more usual destructive one of setting a fire.
McGrath, Marshall, and Prior (1979) and Cox-Jones et al. (1990) took a similar approach to the graphing technique. McGrath et al. (1979) used role-playing, modeling, and rehearsal as a means of giving their subject an acceptable alternative to firesetting when he found himself in a stressful situation. Cox-Jones et al. (1990) gave their subject practice at recognising affective states and used role-playing as a means of teaching acceptable ways of expressing anger. Both groups arranged for lessons in fire safety from the fire service to reinforce the change in behaviour but these do not appear to have been crucial to the treatment program.
As the origin of anal-stage firesetting lies in the poor control of emotions it may be necessary to improve the regulation of behaviour. Gunderson (1974) noted the positive behavioural responses to firm control. In a family setting, the parents may need help with their parenting skills and where there is only a mother available, she must be made aware of the important part a father or father substitute plays in controlling a child's behaviour.
Schmideberg (1953) found a "violent thread of sadism" (p. 36) in most of the arsonists she had examined and stressed the importance of treatment prior to release for this type of firesetter. She entertained the notion that a life sentence might be the only acceptable option for firesetters whose crimes have been particulary heinous or whose actions have caused large-scale death and injury.
Latency-Period Firesetting
Latency-period firesetters are notable for their lack of remorse (Saunders & Awad, 1991) or guilt (Schmideberg, 1953), and their inability to learn from experience or punishment (Nurcombe, 1964). They frequently set fires out of a need for excitement (Wax & Haddox, 1974) or out of curiosity (Lewis & Yarnell, 1951), but often the motive is not apparent, even to the perpetrators (Carstens, 1982; Kolko, 1983; Soothill & Pope, 1973). They have no fantasies about fire and show no emotional reactions when recounting their firesetting activities (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970).
Latency-period delinquents tend to have a short attention span (Nurcombe, 1964; Vandersdall & Wiener, 1970), to be hyperactive (Nurcombe, 1964; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), destructive (Fine & Louie, 1979; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Vandersall & Wiener, 1970), and antisocial (Kolko, 1983; Stewart & Culver, 1982; Wax & Haddox, 1974). Their activities are often acts of projected anger arising out of frustration or low self-esteem and are primarily attention-seeking devices or cries-for-help. In this respect they are different from the target-specific acts of anger of the anal stage.
In spite of their destructive behvaiour pattern, latency-period delinquents can be superficially charming. They may come to the attention of teachers for clowning around in class and they may act out in response to dares from their friends (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970).
Firesetting for profit, firesetting to cover a crime, and playing with matches are included as instances of latency-period firesetting because of the uncaring, thoughtless, or irresponsible nature of the acts. Firesetting for profit includes setting fires to collect insurance and part-time firefighters setting fires to increase their wages.
Like anal-stage firesetters, latency-period firesetters do not have a psychological compulsion to set fires. Firestting is simply another means by which they can achieve the result they are after, for example, chaos, confusion, and excitement. They are potentially the most dangerous of all firesetters as they strike indiscriminately and give no thought to the consequences.
Case Study 4: A 10 year old boy who was referred because of "short attention span, talking, clowning in class . . . and academic underachievement . . . somewhat mercurial . . . at times engaging and verbal and other times quiet and depressed . . . mother described him in rapturous terms as a boy 'full of joy about life and its beauty,' he presented to the school and psychiatrist as a person who 'didn't care' what he did . . . set fire to a pile of leaves next to a barn . . . did not reveal any fantasies about the fire and spoke about it only in descriptive and unemotional terms . . . (mother) spent much time in pleasurable identification with his boisterous, unruly, and dangerous acts" (Vandersall & Wiener, 1970, p. 69).
Treatment for Latency-Period Firesetters
Because latency-period firesetters do not feel psychologically compelled to set fires, even though they may get into the habit of doing so, they can be turned away from their dangerous pastime quite readily by applying some type of behaviour modification program. Holland (1969), Carstens (1982), and Kolko (1983) report on their success with this approach, each eliminating their subject's firesetting behaviour within 7 weeks.
The composition of a latency-period treatment program will be determined by the peculiarities of each case but for some will be quite straightforward. A simple approach is likely for curiosity firesetters, who have been found to have less complex behavioural problems than other firesetters (Showers & Pickrell, 1987), and children who play with matches, who have been thought of as just starting out on a life of delinquency (Kafry, 1980).
Those who have become established in a delinquent lifestyle are likely to benefit from placement in a big-brother program where they will be able to establish a strong relationship with a father substitute. The rationale behind such a program is that the child needs assistance in developing its self-control mechanisms. It is commonly found that firesetters come from homes where the father is either absent or ineffective (Gruber, Heck, & Mintzer, 1981; Jacobson, 1985; Kolko & Kazdin, 1986, 1994; Showers & Pickrell, 1987). Such a situation adversely affects the development of self-control because the mother is not always able to give the child her full attention and the child develops without proper guidance.
Genital-stage firesetters have the most highly developed personalities of all the firesetters. Their behaviour is characterised by a desire for action. They set fires for the challenge of extinguishing them (Huff, 1994) or for the excitement of helping the firefighters (Macht & Mack, 1968). Unlike latency-period firesetters their need for excitement is more specifically linked to the act of firefighting. They often have a desire to work as full-time firefighters but are unable to do so because of mental retardation or physical disability (Lewis & Yarnell, 1951).
There is no desire in genital-stage firesetters to injure or to cause unlimited property damage by fire. The size of the intended fire is determined only by the presumed ability of those they admire (or their own presumed ability) to take on the blaze and subdue it. Of course, the vagaries of fire are such that it may accidently get out of control and require more resources to extinguish it than first planned. Huff (1994) observed that the firefighters who set fires were relatively new members of the brigade with an average length of service of under 2 ˝ years and he noted that most had not thought of setting fires before joining the fire brigade. He found that those who set fires for the excitement of extinguishing them were predominantly young, were generally immature in nature, and had poorly developed social skills. They were often members of auxiliary fire brigades, or were taking part in programs for apprentice firefighters, and were keen to put their training into practice.
Case Study 5: F.B., a 17 year old male. " . . . parents separated when he was 6 . . . left the orphanage seven years later . . . to live with his father and work in Mr. B.'s (father's) junkyard . . . 'burning old cars and then cutting them up with torches' . . . That year F.B. was allowed to watch; he described considerable excitement as did so. The following year, however, he was allowed to set the fires along with his father and uncle . . . father decided . . . to get a final divorce decree. The mother demanded that the boy spend weekends with her . . . He (F.B.) found this 'uncomfortable' as he didn't 'like women.' . . . wanted to be called Frank, Jr., after his father, but . . . settled on Frank. It was then that a flurry of firesetting began. At first . . . cars . . . on the street, then . . . cars in garages, and finally to garages and warehouses . . . 26 fires . . . in two months . . . he would sometimes turn in the alarm, and he would always stay to watch and help. He was very careful to burn only empty buildings . . . became very friendly with the fire chief and would frequently seek him out during a fire to discuss it over a cup of coffee" (Macht & Mack, 1968, p. 282).
Treatment for Genital-Stage Firesetters
Because genital-stage firesetters tend to be immature rather than disturbed they are prime candidates for participation in fire safety programs. Dittmar (1991) stressed the need for practical training in fire safety. She noted that children are routinely taught about the dangers of knives and medicines but not about the dangers of fire. If left uneducated they are likely to retain childish beliefs about the control of fire and to think of firefighting as little more than an exciting game. In these cases, the firesetters have little idea about how quickly a fire can spread and the harm it can cause to both people and property.
The Melbourne Metropolitan Fire Brigade recently developed the Juvenile Fire Awareness Intervention Program (JFAIP) and the Teenage Advancement Plan (Hunter, 1993). The JFAIP aimed to teach fire safety to firesetters using firefighter-counsellors and psychologists at the Royal Children's Hospital. The Teenage Advancement Plan involved 4 days of work experience at a fire station. Both of these programs are potentially helpful in teaching genital-stage firesetters how to work responsibly with fire.
WHAT CAN PARENTS DO?
Take notice of your children. If they are using or carrying ignition material (matches, lighters) for no particular reason, talk with them and listen to them. Be aware of their moods, feelings, and relationships both within and outside the home.
Talk to your children about the realities of the law. A fire that is set can lead to the felony charge of Arson. This is a serious crime. Fire can destroy property, injure others, or take lives.
Set a good example. Most kids learn how to use fire by watching the adults around them (most often parents). If the behavior of adults does not show respect for fire, the behavior of children most certainly won't. Most kids learn how to relate to others and handle stress from their parents. How you live your life impacts greatly on how your children live their lives.
Keep matches and lighters in a safe place, high and out of reach of young children. Lock them up if necessary.
Don't ignore the obvious. When kids use fire in ways that are harmful or dangerous, problems will occur. Whether through education or an in-depth mental health evaluation, seek appropriate help before problems occur. Punishment, discipline, and "scare tactics" do not work. You will need the help, support, and guidance of a professional. Firesetting behavior will not stop without intervention.
Your local fire department is often the best point of first contact when you need help with a child who is misusing fire. They may be able to refer you to professionals who have experience working with juvenile firesetters. If that doesn't work, contact SOS Fires at 503-805-8482 or by e-mail.